My comment on the article Piecing Together the History of Stasi Spying by Annalisa Quinn and Mustafah Abdulaziz in The New York Times 11 August 2021. It is highly significant that the comment coming from a person targeted by Communists for elimination has been rejected by the NY Times.
Lech Borkowski, London, UK
Methods used in East Germany, such as die Zersetzung, i.e. a subversion and sabotage of all spheres of one’s life were in widespread use in the entire Communist bloc.
I am coming from a family of Polish prisoners of Communist concentration camps in northern Russia after WWII. Contrary to popular belief, Communist methods, surveillance and social sabotage, are perfectly well in Poland today. NYT and other media isolate their readers from the evidence. My wife and I were expelled from state institutions in 2015 after long and extremely vicious state-sponsored campaign. Polish authorities declared, Soviet-style. that my wife is incapable of performing her job of the piano teacher despite being the best piano teacher of the school.
Unreliable narrators, such as Timothy Garton Ash quoted in the article, painted a fairy tale picture of the end of Communism. This is not true.
Reporting from Poland, for example, he never mentioned that his friend Adam Michnik, a leading activist of the so-called ‘democratic opposition’ in the 1980s was in fact a member of the Communist elite. His parents were high-ranking members of the Communist hard core in Poland, activists of the Communist Party of Western Ukraine, Stalin’s agents. His half-brother was a Communist military judge issuing death sentences to anti-Communist resistance members. This is just one example, there are plenty of others.
‘President Lukashenko is often called Europe’s last Communist dictator. We now know how accurate a description that is’
Not really. Belarus, like any other Communist country is a dictatorship of a criminal collective. It is sometimes mistakenly presented as a one-man rule.
Belarus ‘opposition’ to Lukashenka is fake. There is no social capital and no trust to engage in any action against the regime. This opposition is manufactured by the regime itself. No one in the media seems to know or remember about the operation Trust(*) and other similar provocations.
Communists are not stupid despite sometimes being presented as such. They spew fake stories as easily as they breathe. This is a much more advanced form of lying than a typical westerner could imagine. Communist political technology is not a subject of studies at universities. Every report is accepted without even a trace of critical analysis.
Their idea is to engineer a ‘velvet revolution’ to make a transition to the next stage of dictatorship, which would be masked as a democracy. Useful idiots from the West will throw at them billions in help money.
This has been done before in Poland and other East European countries. It went very well. So much has changed in Poland, that the ruling class remained exactly the same, only labels and superficial rhetoric were swapped, but this is no problem for professional liars. Communist party members are in the European Parliament and everywhere else in international and national power structures. They lecture others on democracy and human rights.
On the other hand, my wife and I, descendants of prisoners of Communist prisons and concentration camps have been fired from state institutions in 2015 in a long and extremely vicious campaign against our family. We have let everyone know about the atrocities against us. Everyone knows: MPs, members of governments, church hierarchy, media. Everyone keeps silent. What kind of solidarity is binding them? It is the solidarity of the perpetrators. They weren’t freedom fighters. They are perpetrators.
It is no different in Belarus, which is thoroughly controlled and cleansed of any independent social activity. Just like in Poland, they can fabricate any fake movement and organisation.
They are using Telegram, a dodgy encryption service run by a Russian group from Dubai. This Russian group has been presented as being, again, in opposition to the Kremlin, which is not true. If I were an underground activist, the last thing I would trust would be a dodgy Russian encryption app, where messages are read by the Russian state.
I have not heard or read a single original thing about the Belarus ‘opposition’. There is some non-essential criticism and some choreography. Enough to fool westerners.
In Poland and Hungary Communists seized power at the end of WWII and never gave it up. They wiped out any pockets of resistance to the dictatorship within the first few years.
Having done that, they realised a unique opportunity to fully control, shape, manipulate, and falsify the past, the present, and the future.
East European totalitarianism evolved over decades. This is the case of dynamic dictatorship, not a static one.
Having eliminated any real opposition to its rule, they decided to create a fake opposition recruiting from within the ranks of the ruling class. Children of the Communist elite and their most loyal servants formed fake dissident groups. No form of such resistance would be tolerated by the Communists unless it was given their own seal of approval. It is mind boggling that western reporters have not questioned these issues.
Timothy Garton Ash, who began his career reporting from Eastern Europe, didn’t bother to explain in his reports and books that his East Europeans friends led privileged and sheltered lives. That their family members were staunch Communists.
The claim that changes of 1989-90 was a ‘velvet revolution’ is obviously a lie. It was not a velvet revolution. It was a fully staged and managed fake transition, something well practiced in the Communist world. The same Communist iron fist is now masked by a velvet glove. However, this fist has the same ability to choke and strangle, something my wife and I know very well.
‘The latter is likely to anger former Soviet states like Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, which say they were occupied by the Red Army and then coerced into joining the Soviet Union against their will.’
The Times follows the Communist narrative, which avoids any mention of occupation of Poland by Soviet Russia. The phrase ‘coerced into joining … against their will’ is awkwardly euphemistic. We are talking here about murder, torture, concentration camps. The use of ‘former Soviet states’ is inappropriate. They didn’t have any sovereignty.
Note also the following:
‘In response, Mateusz Morawiecki, Poland’s prime minister, called Putin a liar.’
This is a non-essential criticism from Polish PM. By calling Putin a liar Morawiecki avoided giving proper response, which would be to recall the Communist terror unleashed against Polish citizens, such as my family members, in eastern Poland occupied by Soviet Russia. Contemporary Polish ruling class follows unmistakably the same Communist narrative, in which eastern Poland and its citizens are to be erased.
Viktor Orban is a most loyal pupil of the Communist regime. He was the leader of the Communist Pioneers organisation in high school. Only the most trusted ones coming from a ‘proper’ background were chosen for this function. He allegedly underwent a transformation while in the army, before university.
For those familiar with realities of life under Communism Orban is a typical representative of the most privileged circle. Many of them were selected to play the role of a fake opposition to Communism. The same game was played in Poland, where many children of the hard core Communists were assigned roles of ‘dissidents’. Dissident is a largely Communists’ own creation. There was simply no way to oppose the system, in which nobody would lift a finger to help you. You were alone.
It is a longer story, how the West believed the dissidents were the real deal.
Appropriating someone’s names and ideas, including conservative ones, in the way presented in the article is nothing surprising in Eastern Europe. Polish university, from which I was expelled in 2015 for political reasons was named in the 1950s after a great Polish 19th century poet Adam Mickiewicz, a great humanist, who was a figure of an exactly opposite kind to the Communist folk.
I used Google Maps recently to try and locate monuments to Felix Dzerzhinsky in Russia. There is lots of them all over the country. Here is a sample. The tweets quoted below are part of a thread, where I provide coordinates and pictures, courtesy of Google, of this organizer of the Communist secret police.
Public space in Russia is as Soviet and Communist as ever. Most of the articles from Russia ignore this most basic information.
Monument to Dzerzhinsky in Novosibirsk, city of 1.6 mln in south-western Siberia on the Ob river. 3rd largest city in Russia. Prospekt Dzierzhinskogo/Dzerzhinsky Avenue. 55°03'43.8"N 82°59'19.6"E 55.062174, 82.988790 3X6Q+VG Novosibirsk, Russiahttps://t.co/1oh6vYerhrpic.twitter.com/CeVTCHKaVz
The men in the BBC documentary Borrowed Pasture, Eugeniusz Okołowicz, photographer, and Włodzimierz Bułaj, electrician, were in the Polish Army during September 1939 campaign of WWII, then crossed into Lithuania where they were interned, to avoid capture by either Germans or Russians. Soviets occupied Lithuania in Spring 1940 and transferred the interned Poles to Russian camps. My wife’s grandfather Aleksander Głuchowski was also among them.
The camps, where Włodzimierz/Wlodek Bułaj was held, marked with yellow pins on the enclosed map:
Yukhnov, Kaluga Oblast, from 15 July 1940
Ponoy in the Kola Peninsula, Murmansk Oblast, from 6 June 1941
Yuzha, Ivanovo Oblast
Camps, where Eugeniusz Okołowicz was held are marked by blue pins:
Kozielsk/Kozelsk, from 13 July 1940
Gryazovets, Vologda Oblast, from 2 July 1941 to 3 September 1941
Orange pin is the location of Tatishchevo, Saratov Oblast, where both men arrived in September 1941. This was one of the meeting points for Polish soldiers and their dependants after they were released from the Soviet camps, following the German attack on the Soviet Union in June 1941.
Note the location of the Ponoy camp at the tip of the Kola Peninsula. It is a barren tundra in an uninhabited land, very far from any human settlements. Soviets referred to it as the ‘Ponoy point’. Number of prisoners at this location was about 4 thousand. Many of them would be dead during the following months, had they been kept there longer. NKVD documents state the POWs were to be used for the construction of an airfield. It is obvious, however, that the death toll would be enormous. That was probably the aim: to kill by exhaustion and hunger.
My wife’s grandfather was in the same camps of Kozielsk/Kozelsk and Gryazovets as Okołowicz. Thousands of earlier Polish POWs from the Kozielsk camp were murdered by the Russians at the Katyn site near Smolensk in April and May 1940. Returning to Poland under Communist/Soviet control after the war was therefore very risky. Many of the Poles interned in Lithuania and later in the Soviet camps lived in eastern Poland, which was occupied by the Soviet Union after the war. This was the case of Głuchowski and could be the case of Bułaj and Okołowicz as well.
Aleksander Głuchowski arrived in Poland in 1947 to reunite with his son he last saw in 1939, his wife having died of hunger, exhaustion and disease in 1945. He was arrested by the Communist secret police and imprisoned. He died in 1952 at the age of 45.
The 22 December 1959 edition of Western Mail (Glamorgan County) noted that cameraman William Greenhaigh served at the mass celebrated at the farm:
Wearing gumboots, he recently served at a Roman Catholic Mass for two elderly Poles on a remote farm in Carmarthenshire.
The BBC Welsh television unit, of which he is a member, was on location, shooting scenes for “Borrowed Pastures” – featuring Polish farmers who have left their native land to settle in Wales.
Coventry Evening Telegraph, 15 June 1960, in the article Tribute to Courage of Polish Farmers:
A happy ending has been provided to one of the most fascinating human interest stories in recent years, which began when about 100 Welsh farms passed into the possession of Polish Ex-Servicemen at the end of the war.
Two such people were Eugeniusz Okolowicz and Wlodek Bulaj, who borrowed enough money to buy infertile acres and ruined buildings of Penygaer Farm, Trawsmawr, Carmarthen, which had stood abandoned for 20 years.
Neither knew much about farming, but they managed to clear a mountain stream to an old mill and harness a generator. Living on a few groceries and two tins of meat a week, they built up a small herd of cattle and found market for the milk. Also, they found an old tractor, which they bought for £4 10s.
Today, they still work 18 hours a day; their only contact with the rest of the world being a weekly rendezvous with a travelling grocer, and a six-monthly visit of a Polish priest.
The courageous battle of these two men was spotlighted last month in the film, “Borrowed Pasture”, shown on BBC TV, and the Hawker Siddeley Group offered the two farmers one of its new aero-dynamically designed Gloster forage harvesters, worth some £300. An offer which was speedily accepted.
The presentation of the Harvester – built by the same experts who designed Gloster Javelin and Gloster Meteor jet fighters – was made at Penygaer Farm yesterday by a Gloster board member, Mr. W. W. W. Downing.
On Friday, January 6 1961, The South Wales Gazette, Monmouthshire, noted
The BBC Film Unit’s presentation of “Borrowed Pasture” which can be seen on Wednesday, attracted a great deal of attention when it was shown in May last year […]
The film, written and produced by John Ormond, tells the story of two former soldiers in the Polish Army, who settled in a bleak decaying farm on a Carmarthenshire hill-side. […]
The film’s most moving passage deals with loneliness of Wlodek Bulaj, one of the farmers. Bulaj has not seen his wife for 22 years.
John set about the task of helping Bulaj to get Polish and British visas for Mrs Bulaj to come to Wales.
Viewers who had seen the film sent money to help. After months of delay, Mrs Bulaj is now at the farm, having been reunited with her husband in Ormond’s own home. Now she can stay in Britain indefinitely.
The article mentions ‘Polish and British visas for Mrs Bulaj’. This may indicate that the family lived in eastern Poland, occupied by the Soviet Union after WWII.
Here is the scene from the film, in which Włodek is looking at his family pictures. The little daughter he last saw in 1939 has just got married.
However, in 1963, a little over two years after the reunion with his wife, Włodzimierz Bułaj died. What happened to his wife, Mr. Okołowicz, and the farm?
The personal dimension of the story is closely linked with the Communist policy of elimination and separation of anyone not willing to serve the totalitarian system. I mentioned my wife’s grandfather, who was prevented from reuniting with his son, my father in law, and imprisoned upon arrival in Poland in 1947.
Farms of my grandparents on both sides in eastern Poland were seized by Soviet authorities after WWII. Nearly entire family on my mother’s side were sent to concentration camps in different parts of the Soviet Union. Some were tortured. My parents met in the camps. Later on, in the 1980s, Soviet authorities refused permission for my visit to the family still remaining in the Soviet-occupied territory. In 2015, after many years of harassment, my wife and I were expelled from our workplaces at the State School of Music in Zielona Góra and University in Poznań, respectively. Despite official proclamations, the Communist policies continue. I am now in London in the UK, where I came in 2016, while my wife remains in Poland. The story of Bułaj, Okołowicz, Głuchowski, and others like them is not over. It continues.
This is a ridiculous comedy. Russian state apparatus can do what they want. If the messages travel outside, then this is exactly what the Russian authorities want. Navalny is not a victim of that state. He is one of them.
My parents and other family members were prisoners of Communist concentration camps in Russia. This is the same Russia, but Navalny is a fake victim. The trick is to talk about fake victims instead of real ones.
Fake opposition is already a hundred-year old concept in Russia.
In Russia, during the decades of the Communist experiment, was there a single person who was happy? “Millions of the citizens of this great country,” writes Ludmila Ulitskaya in this harrowing book, “were killed by the very Utopia that they strived to create.”
There are several falsifications here already. It is a falsification to use the term ‘Communist experiment’ to refer to bloody terror of the Communist dictatorship. We do not normally use the words ‘Nazi experiment’, unless referring to cruel medical experiments, conducted by the Nazis. To say ‘experiment’ about the Soviet dictatorship is, in essence, to defend it.
Next, we have the word ‘happy’. This is a very strange way to talk about, again, bloody terror. Implicitly, it suggests, that the functionaries of the dictatorship and millions of denunciators and informers were in it together with millions of people with anti-Communist views, and that everyone was a similar victim of the ‘Experiment’. The rhetorical question posed by Roger Lewis has an affirmative answer. There were plenty of happy people. They have eagerly taken part in the criminal, genocidal pursuit of their conception of happiness. Mass crimes were part of this genocidal project from the very beginning.
If, as Roger Lewis suggests, no one was happy in the Soviet Union, we would also have to conclude that there must have been many unhappy people in Nazi Germany, who were unhappy for different reasons. Some were unhappy because they were sent to concentration camps. Others were not content because the killing apparatus they identified with was not efficient enough, terror imposed on the occupied lands has not stopped resistance and Germany was losing the war. We do not use this word, however, in the Nazi context, because it is inappropriate under the circumstances. Similarly, there is a huge difference between an unhappy functionary of the terror apparatus and unhappy dying victim. They are both unhappy but on opposite sides of the killing axis, hardly a unifying feature.
Alexander Dolgun was personally tortured by General Ryumin, deputy chief of MGB, the Soviet Ministry of State Security, see ‘Alexander Dolgun’s Story. An American in the Gulag’, by Alexander Dolgun with Patrick Watson, Knopf, New York 1975:
“Do you just sit there?” Ryumin yelled. He knocked me off the chair with a blow to the head. It hurt like hell. I roared as I fell on the floor. Ryumin yelled again, “Aha!”
By article’s author prescription this is apparently an interaction between two unhappy people.
‘Millions killed by the very Utopia they strived to create’, by an anonymised and depersonalised killing machine? This again is a defense of the Communist perpetrators. Those millions were killed by other human beings who served the dictatorship. And who was tried at Nuremberg? Was it Nazi Utopia or specific persons? There is no legal concept of being killed by a Utopia.
‘…killed by the very Utopia that they strived to create’. This is a Bolshevik-style falsification when minority of Communists among victims is presented as the majority of all.
This is clearly a Communist narrative seeking to purge non-Communist victims from history, while expressing sorrow for killing fellow comrades.
My family members, citizens of Poland, were long-time prisoners of Communist concentration camps after WWII: my parents in the Arkhangelsk region, others at Vorkuta, Norilsk, and other places. My uncle Klemens Ostrowski Jr was tortured and was disabled both physically and mentally when released from the camp. While he gradually recovered physically, he never regained his mental faculty. The document my father received upon release from the camp in 1954 can be viewed here.
My parents lived in eastern Poland, which was occupied by the Soviet Union from 1939 to 1941 and then again from 1944. Communist occupiers stripped them of their Polish citizenship and confiscated their families farms.
My family were targeted in a planned genocidal activity. There was nothing accidental about it. All those resisting Communism were to be either physically killed, crippled, or delivered social death. A Communist Final Solution.
This criminal Communist activity evolved and is continued today, albeit in a more camouflaged way. After a long and vicious campaign, my wife and I were expelled from our jobs in Poland in 2015 from state school of music and university, respectively. Her grandfather fought the Nazi forces as a Polish officer in 1939, was later imprisoned by the Soviet authorities, managed to leave the Soviet Union after German attack on Russia in 1941, fought with the Polish forces on the western front of WWII, and was imprisoned again upon his return to Poland under Communist control in 1947.
Dwight Garner in The New York Times, March 8, 2021.
I hope Kaiser recovers his family property. I am very familiar with ‘Kafkaesque hurdles’ in Poland. You need to understand the presence of the red elephant in the room. My wife and I extensively dealt in recent years with state administration, law, legal issues, prosecution office, and through correspondence, with top state officials. The Kafkaesque process is symptomatic of fundamental, deeper issues. This is not anomaly. This is actually modus operandi of the state that does not want to follow its own laws.
In other words, the legal processes and enforcement of the law have been taken outside the law. The law functions only as a theoretical concept. There is theory and there is experiment. Experimental data do not agree with theory.
We have spoken to many lawyers. I would not describe any of them as a ‘normal lawyer’. Kaiser’s difficulties are neither weird nor accidental. They are systemic.
In many ways, WWII hasn’t ended in 1945. I am currently paying mortgage on an apartment in Zielona Góra (German Gruenberg). My presence there is an indirect consequence of WWII. My parents lived in eastern Poland before WWII. They were both prisoners of Communist concentration camps in northern Russia after WWII. Their family properties are located within current Belarussian borders. Their farms were seized by the Soviet authorities during their post-1945 occupation of the area.
Whichever way you look, WWII does not want to go away.