Navalny is Russia’s state-run project. Anti-corruption campaigns belong to the category of non-essential criticism. They do not reveal anything substantial. This is Russia’s way of saying ‘we are just like you, comrades, we just have more of it’.
Russia produces fake dissidents. This is their way to control the narrative. Western correspondents get ready-to-print stories, endless polit-soap operas leading nowhere.
Similar methods are used elsewhere in the Eastern block, including current EU and NATO members.
The story presented in the article sits firmly within the general Communist narrative, a Communist mythology.
The alleged ‘nationalists’ are people of the ruling class. The new ruling class is the same as the old ruling class. They are the same people and their children. These simulated demonstrations are in the best interest of this ruling class.
The mythology, this article is part of, can only be maintained through censoring and omission of an ocean of inconvenient information.
I know this country very well. I know the cheating and lying officials, who cheat, lie, and falsify in the same way as before 1990. My family and I were the target of numerous violations of law by the state apparatus over decades, regardless of the advertised political profile of the government seemingly in charge. The modus operandi of these unlawful actions remained invariant over several decades. The people involved in those criminal actions are protected by the top authorities and were rewarded by career advances.
The Times article is based , among other things, on an unexpressed assumption that the changes of 1989-90 were a gigantic collapse of the dictatorship of lies and a transition into unkimited authenticity in public life. This is nonsense.
If needed, new fake parties and new fake movements can be created on short notice. Discontinuities and internal incongruities of political stories won’t be noticed by most of the readers. The political and social technology in Communist countries is quite advanced. There is also the linguistic barrier and different historical experience.
My earlier short comment was removed. I wrote the following:
“The story looks to me produced rather than authentic. Produced in the sense that the Russian ‘democracy’ is managed and simulated. Polit-soap opera ”
I would like to make it clear that I am not questioning the article’s author intentions or his desire to report the story correctly. I am merely saying that the stories appearing in the Eastern Europe’s public sphere should be approached with more caution and higher degree of skepticism than in the West.
This review starts with a caricature and is a bit of a caricature of history itself. It is a bad idea to use a cartoon to illustrate this subject. I understand, however, that the author is interested in conserving the narrative favorable towards the Communists. Although the cartoon uses insults about each of the leaders, it performs a very important function. It goes well with the grand Communist narrative.
A much better illustration would be the picture taken by a German soldier during the joint Communist-Nazi victory parade in Brześć nad Bugiem/Brest on the Bug river. It shows a banner praising the Red Army written in Cyrillic, two swastikas on each side above the banner, and a slightly raised sickle and hammer positioned centrally above the banner.
The picture is available in the German archives.
The author calls the Soviet leader a “defensive nationalist”. Imagine you heard this phrase out of context. Who would you have associated it with? Quite possibly you would have thought about leader of a western country.
This is another example of the Communist narrative, in which Soviet Union is to be presented as a defensive power, not the bloody genocidal regime that it was.
Also, note the language of the following fragment:
“As the German forces neared Lwow the local NKVD — the internal security police — massacred 4,000 political detainees in Brygidki prison. A few weeks later the occupying Germans egged on local Ukrainians to murder 4,000 Jews by way of retaliation. It was a bloody symmetry, of a kind.”
There was nothing “local” about NKVD. Decision to murder thousands of prisoners, citizens of Poland, was issued from Moscow. This is genocide and should be called this way. In the chaos of the first days of the German advance the Communists decided to give priority to killing the prisoners. The Soviet army retreated chaotically, abandoning equipment and arms along the way. They just could not retreat fast enough. The murder of the prisoners in eastern Poland, however, proceeded with precision and care.
These demonstrations are staged. Communists went far beyond the cognitive horizon of a typical western observer. The West cannot comprehend that the regime can simulate protests in order to move the public narrative in a desired direction. As I wrote already earlier, the Belarus regime wants to transition to a simulated, i.e. fake democracy, similarly to what has been done in Poland earlier.
There is no political power outside the regime. It is that simple.
Also, note the massive use of white-red-white flags. Having no history of their own, the regime tries to claim the heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This is clearly orchestrated.
From the point of view of the regime, the simulated ‘velvet revolution’ has many advantages of course. It is mostly a change of decorations. Power remains in the same hands. Former Communist party members are now welcomed as democrats in Brussels. It worked in Poland.
My report from Poland on that day would be completely different.
I would first note that the day before, on August 5, the Polsat News tv channel broadcast an advertisement for a model kit of the Trabant, the car of the East German Communist regime. I posted a copy of the ad on my Tweeter feed. You can buy your child a little toy symbolic of the totalitarian regime to play with. This is nothing unusual in Poland, as you might notice at gas stations, at other shops, or at the Warsaw airport, where you can buy models of other Communist cars as well. This link with the Communist past is not accidental. It signifies a real and present continuation of Communism, which is carefully masked by a pseudo-democratic spectacle.
The next day, on August 6, the same Polsat News channel, along with other stations, broadcast live the entire holy mass at noon, celebrating the inauguration of Duda’s second term in office. Religious ceremonies have been integrated into the state choreography over the past thirty years in a way similar to post-1990 Russia. As a tool of the state, a way to conquer history and ideas.
The holy mass seemed as real as the Trabant kit.
The cultural conflict referred to in the article is non-existent. It would exist naturally in normal circumstances as a lesser issue but here it is being artificially whipped up and played as a provocation, as a decoy. Political technologists in Poland are veterans of deception and production of a fake narrative. They are veterans of provocation. They know how to bait western media, who will jump at every opportunity to reinforce their own prejudice. Prejudice, however, is not a good cognitive guide.
Popularization of the Trabant kit is not an isolated incident. Not long ago, you could buy the “Welcome to the party” poster with Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Castro drawn as party guests having fun. A local restaurant presented pictures of Lenin, Stalin, and the post-WWII Polish Communist leader Bierut in a painted decoration of its windows. There was no problem, although there is a law forbidding to glorify and propagate totalitarianism and its symbols.
The falsification of state documents, including school and university certificates, is a fact. This is not even hidden. This is the way it was before 1990. It remained this way. There was no rush to truth and authenticity. The new ruling class is the same as the old ruling class.
So, whether it is Duda in the office or non-Duda, it does not matter. Also, the constitution has a similar importance as before 1990, i.e. none. It never mattered since 1944.
In September 2011, at the time when Anne Applebaum’s husband was Foreign Minister in the Donald Tusk government, Polish authorities launched an incredibly vicious operation against our family.
We have been targeted for years, but earlier provocations, although harmful, were not entirely successful. This time they decided to launch a very intense operation aimed initially at my wife, a pianist and piano teacher in the State School of Music in Zielona Góra. We monitored the operation’s progress and recorded its details in our letters to the authorities. This was state-sponsored lawlessness in full throttle. It contradicts Applebaum’s narrative about Poland.
As a result of this operation, we wrote many letters to the country’s top authorities. We pointed out numerous violations of law and our basic human rights. The government protected the immediate perpetrators and the associated lawlessness. In other words, the state and the criminal organisation is one and the same entity in Poland. Radek Sikorski served this criminal organisation for many, many years as well. He does this now as a Member of the European Parliament.
Eventually the authorities decided to remove us from our jobs. I was an associate professor of physics at the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. We were both fired at the end of 2015. In case of my wife they manufactured fake medical statement, claiming that she suffered from unspecified ‘delusions’. The best piano teacher of the school was declared by the authorities unfit for work. A typical Communist method.
It was not a question of ‘if’ but ‘how’ we were to be liquidated.
I was the only faculty member at the University’s Department of Physics with a western PhD. The key distinction between me and the rest of the faculty is the fact of my parents’ staunch resistance to Communism and my full support of it. My father deserted from the Communist army with his entire company in 1945. My mother’s family provided food and shelter to Polish non-Communist resistance in the area occupied by the Soviet Union. I was possibly the only faculty member of a university in Poland, whose parents were prisoners of Communist concentration camps.
Applebaum’s narrative about the Law and Justice Party is false as well. I was a member of that Party from 2008-2010, when it was in ‘opposition’. I saw it from inside. It conducted no discussion and activities. For all practical purposes it was dead. There were party meetings and superficial discussions, but never anything real.
The Law and Justice provocative moves are grotesque and superficial. In reality, the lawlessness of the state has been invariant under the so-called ‘transition to democracy’ and is invariant under the change of governments. The overthrow of Communism was staged. Radek Sikorski’s legend of underground activity against Communism before he came to the UK is simply not true. It was fabricated.
Has Anne Applebaum ever told you that Adam Michnik, the leading ‘dissident’ in Poland during the 1970s and 1980s, is a son of a Communist convicted in the 1930s for acting against the Polish state on behalf of the Stalin’s Soviet Union? How did he transition from being part of the most privileged Communist youth to seemingly acting against the system? Or did he? Similarly, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the allegedly first non-Communist PM in Poland in 1989, was earlier three-time member of the Communist ‘parliament, each time ‘elected’ with more than 95 percent of the vote.
Currently, I am working at a greengrocer’s in London. My wife is unemployed in Poland. Two professionals with the highest qualifications in their professions, who refused to lie, forge, and falsify, have been liquidated.
Both candidates come from the same background, the same group.
The readers are fed fake stories about Poland. There is no real difference between the candidates. It is a difference of appearance only between two actors playing in the same show. The political story in Poland is not the story of competing political and social forces.
The real story in Poland is the story of organised social violence, which was established in the decades post-WWII and continues today. The ‘transition to democracy’ was completely fake. The Communists pretended to give up power. This was only an engineered change in appearances.
It is a folly to think that the most advanced form of dictatorship known in history simply collapsed like a house of cards. The dictatorship continues in a new form.
I am currently working as a shop assistant at a West London greengrocer’s as a result of this continued social violence in Poland. I have a PhD in Physics from a well-known American university and a habilitation.
My parents were long-time prisoners of Communist concentration camps in the Soviet Union following WWII and the Yalta agreement. I share my parents views. Hence there is no place for me at a Polish university. I was fired from the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan in 2015. The letter of dismissal did not state the reason behind the decision expelling me from academia in Poland. However, the reason is abundantly obvious.
Małgorzata Głuchowska, my pianist wife was likewise fired from her job at the State School of Music in Zielona Góra in 2015. The authorities conducted a very long and very vicious campaign against our family. Our daughter has been targeted as well, especially when she was in her elementary school. Those criminal activities were carefully planned and coordinated.
Following our submitting of evidence and documents to the prosecutor office, the juridical process has been falsified.
My wife has been fired on the basis of a falsified medical statement, which claimed that she suffered from unspecified delusions and could not continue working as the teacher of piano. She was the most successful piano teacher in her school. We have published our evidence on our website and provided it to the authorities. We also have sound recording of two conversations with an appointed psychologist, to which my wife was subjected under the threat of losing her job in case she did not comply. We have provided the top authorities with the transcripts of the conversations.
The campaign against us has been carried out regardless of the parties in power.
This is the real story of Poland. Elections are completely fake.
The narrative of the public life in Poland in general is presented in the Communist mode. This is essentially the narrative of self-appointed prison authorities explaining their role as guardians of dangerous prisoners.
Elections are presented as revealing tensions in the society between the educated, urbane, younger, more beautiful, world-friendly, in other words good progressive people on one side and uneducated, backward, irrational, prejudiced, xenophobic folks inhabiting mainly the countryside and small towns.
The situation is controlled by providing the entire cast of candidates: the good, the bad, and the ugly ones.
The choice is clear: in the long run the winner must be only one. The one who understands where the history’s arrow is pointing. Forward.
The Communist fake narrative was the primitive story of progress. The killings, the victims are mostly eliminated from the text or fake victims are presented instead. The post-1990 narrative strictly follows the same lines, although the slogans and details vary.
By listening to this story over and over again, people get used to the idea that this is THE story and expect more of the same the next time around. Brainwashing complete, check.
This narrative served the hideous dictatorship. Its aim was to provide justification for the entire system of direct and indirect violence. Today, this story continues to run in Poland.
The time invariance of this narrative and many other Communist invariants, which remain hidden from the media are key to understanding the system of control and social violence in Poland.
I looked up the book at its publisher’s website and read a few pages about the Soviet military monument in Warsaw. I find the text being of poor quality, merely a retelling of an official story. The problem is that Poland is an epicentre of falsifications of both recent European history and contemporary politics.
First, the author would have to address the false ‘democratic transition’ of 1989-90. It was completely fake. To those unaccustomed to Communist lies, a lot of silly stories manufactured en masse by the Communists might ring true – they simply have no critical instruments to verify their veracity or even to ask proper questions. The main falsification is that the Communism collapsed. Just like that.
If the author bothered to look around, he would have found plenty to write and wonder about. Unfortunately, he did not. Hence, a very superficial and totally non-revealing story.
Just look at one of the central squares in Warsaw next to the Warsaw Centralna train station. It contains the monument to Joseph Stalin from 1953, called Pałac Kultury i Nauki, i.e. Palace of Culture and Science. It looks like a smaller version of a similar Soviet building in Moscow. It housed the central office of the Polish Academy of Science before 1990 and it houses it today. Remarkable continuity, isn’t it? Where is the supposed ‘end of Communism’ here?
The allegedly ‘nationalistic’ party of Prawo and Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), which is in government since 2015 did not mind that offices of its MPs in Kołobrzeg (German: Kolberg) at the Baltic coast in the region of Pomerania were located for years at the Kniewski street (ulica Kniewskiego). Władysław Kniewski was a Communist assassin, 1902-1925, who together with two others volunteered to kill an agent of the Polish police embedded in the Communist movement. However, before their meeting with the police informer, they were stopped by two policemen in civilian clothes. They started shooting and wounded heavily one of the policemen. A chase ensued, in which other policemen and members of the public were involved. They were caught.
All three were tried, received a death sentence and were executed by shooting.
When the Soviet Union seized control in Poland after WWII, the three Communist volunteer assassins were specially honored. Streets were named after them. The place in Warsaw where their execution took place, was called Kniewski, Hibner and Rutkowski Park and a monument was unveiled in 1950.
Back to Kołobrzeg/Kolberg. Law and Justice MPs had an office at the Kniewski street. They didn’t mind the name and they have not tried to change it.
Quite a few street names were changed more than 25 years after the alleged ‘transformation’. The Law and Justice party existed for quite a long time before that moment, so why they have not raised the issue much earlier? I myself have been a member of the Law and Justice Party from 2008 to 2010 and I have never heard anyone proposing or demanding to change street names. I stopped being a member, when I saw that the party was completely phony.
When in May 2016 my wife and I rode through the streets of Krosno Odrzańskie (Crossen an der Oder in German) in what is now western Poland, we saw that many of them had Communist names. One of the longest was the Red Army Street. I recorded a video driving on it in both directions. It is available on Youtube and on Vimeo. I used a recording of Lenin’s 1919 speech from March 1919 as the audio track.
These are just couple of examples. There is plenty to see, if you can read. It seems that western scholars, journalists, and writers do not want to read. They are mainly interested in reinforcing the all-familiar narrative.
The narrative they are reinforcing, however, is completely wrong.
Now to the Katyń monument in Jersey City. Polish officers in Katyń and other sited of Soviet mass murder, were shot in the back of the head one by one by single shot from a hand gun. Bayonet was used by Polish troops in earlier wars and was symbolic in some ways, but it had nothing to do with the method of killing Poles in Katyń. This monument is quite clearly a Communist provocation. One can excuse simple servicemen of the failure to understand that they were backing the enemy project, when it was originally proposed and erected.
In my personal opinion, the person behind the project has likely followed instruction from Communist Warsaw. I can’t imagine any sane sculptor seriously trying to honor the murdered Polish officers with this sculpture. I emphasize that this is my personal opinion.
Did the book’s author notice, that in the centre of Warsaw, there is no monument to the Polish officers murdered in Katyń? There is the monument to Stalin instead.
One should also note that the Polish Museum of WWII was located in Gdańsk/Danzig several years ago. This move obviously follows the Communist narrative which tried to present German expansion as the main source of Polish problems in history and to use Gdańsk/Danzig as the centerpiece of this narrative. The Solidarity trade union was located by the Communists in Gdańsk as part of this grand narrative. There was nothing accidental about it.
The Museum’s natural and the only logical place is Warsaw of course. I haven’t noticed any significant protests over the Museum’s location coming either from Poland or from abroad. Instead, western scholars of Polish history and culture were involved in a fake row about the person of Museum’s director couple of years ago.