Dr. Lech S. Borkowski
Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General
Al. Ujazdowskie 11
Zielona Góra, 10 May 2016
We continue describing organized criminal activities, which led to expelling us from our jobs at the State School of Music in Zielona Góra and Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań.
The person deserving closer scrutiny is Krystyna Karcz, inspector of the Center for Artistic Education (Centrum Edukacji Artystycznej) in the Ministry of Culture. I (MG) knew her already in my teenage years when I participated in piano competitions or provided accompaniment to my sister playing the violin.
Years went by, whole decades, prime ministers came and went, as did presidents, Red Army troops left Poland, Poland became a member of NATO, Poland entered the European Union, while Karcz remained in the same post. This fact is both a symbol and an element of abundant evidence that things have not changed. There are plenty of these symbols in contemporary Poland. In the neighboring town of Krosno Odrzańskie there are streets named after the Red Army, Communist People’s Army, Defenders of Stalingrad, Communist generals Żymierski and Świerczewski, Communist Border Troops, Communist Association of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy, 40th Anniversary of the Polish People’s Republic.
The manner in which a person is treated in a Communist and post-Communist society depends on that person’s willingness to serve the dictatorship of falsism, i.e. the entirely falsified public narrative.
Regardless of the precise words used to describe Poland in the periods before and after 1990, it is the same society with the same system of dependencies, subservience, and discipline, with the same methodology of producing falsehoods and the same methodology of social violence against an individual. Most important is not the terminology but membership in a very specific criminal organization.
When I got a job at the State School of Music in Zielona Góra, Państwowa Szkoła Muzyczna w Zielonej Górze, I was tested in various ways in my readiness to participate in lies and forgeries. This is a core feature of the psychological profile of each member of a social group. If the person happily accepts lies, and manipulations, if he or she is ready to confirm in thought, speech, and action each falsehood imposed or merely suggested by the criminal organization, that individual has a chance for promotion to higher levels of hierarchy and various rewards and privileges.
Inspector Karcz offered me the function of a ‘coordinator of pedagogical supervision’. She was observing my work, my diligence, attention to detail, professionalism, as well as my social skills which brought respect and positive response from the artistic community in Zielona Góra and the region around it.
Soon it became clear that my personality does not fit the expectations of falsism. My role has been reduced because I have not agreed to manipulations falsifying reality. An honest person, resisting pressure and manipulation could not advance in the professional hierarchy of the Communist Polish People’s Republic. The same person cannot advance today as well. What is more, typical Communist methods are used to expel this individual from the workplace and to murder him or her as a social being, i.e. to carry out a social murder. This is the same system as before. The system is formed by the people who support it. And these people are exactly the same as before. The cadres were and are the most important for the functioning of the system. Cadres decide everything. And these are exactly the same cadres, following the same modus operandi as before.
Thus functionaries reduced my social role to a professional minimum. I worked and developed my knowledge and professional skills with unusual dedication and passion. During the 23 years of my work for the benefit of the school and the wider artistic community, I have never heard a “thank you” or “congratulations on your successes” from the regional inspector of the Ministry of Culture.
Lech S. Borkowski obtained a Ph.D. in Physics at the University of Florida in Gainesville. He returned to Poland after receiving a job offer at the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. Before returning, he applied for participation in the US-Polish conference on superconductivity organized by the Institute of Low Temperature and Structure Research of the Polish Academy of Science in Wrocław, which took place in Duszniki in September 1995. The organization committee rejected his application without stating the reason.
University administration has not informed LSB about the legal requirement of validating his American Ph.D. diploma in Poland. Employment with such validation meant that university functionaries violated the law. Also, LSB was not assigned any teaching duties typical of university employees in his position.
For many months after the start of the academic year 1995/96, LSB had no possibility of carrying out normal working activities.
We married on 3 May 1997.
Soon afterward LSB was offered a one-year postdoctoral position at the Georgia Institute of Technology in Atlanta. MG asked her employer for a leave of absence. She asked the school director to specify the requirements she would have to meet to return to school after one year’s absence. Director suggested a consultation with a teachers union lawyer. The lawyer informed me that obtaining a promotion and becoming an appointed teacher would ensure a safe return to the job at the school. I took the exam in front of the commission, whose members were the regional inspector of the Ministry of Culture, the school director, and a professor from the Academy of Music in Poznan. I received the certificate of professional advance on 30 June 1997. However, the last sentence of the document states that the certificate will be revoked, if I do not return to work on 1 September 1997.
This is an illegal clause. According to article 10, 2.8, of the Teachers’ Charter of 1982, I should be employed again as an appointed teacher.
This is just one example of many law violations by the functionaries of the state apparatus. According to the Teachers’ Charter of 26 January 1982, I should have received the certificate of an appointed teacher three years from the beginning of my full-time employment in the school, regardless of whether my performance as a teacher has been the subject of an obligatory review or not. My performance was evaluated for the first time in June 1997. This and subsequent reviews of my performance have been marked as outstanding. I should have been receiving the salary of an appointed teacher since 1994. The clause in the letter of the regional inspector of the Ministry of Culture informing me about revoking my certificate in the event of my not returning to work at the beginning of the next school year was illegal. It should be viewed as a provocation.
LSB’s employment at the University in Poznan expired on 30 September 1997. His employment has not been extended.
After a one-year stay in the US, we returned to Poland at the end of August. LSB was employed at the Adam Mickiewicz University again, starting on 1 October 1998.
Provocations against us were organized not only in our workplaces. Our private life was controlled as well.
Before summer vacation 1999 the school director offered me the post of head of the piano section. My response to the offer was positive. However, in September 1999 I was given a document signed by the regional inspector of the Ministry of Culture Krystyna Karcz dated 1 July 1999, in which she stated that I did not have the qualifications necessary to teach at the secondary level of the school of music. „Małgorzata Głuchowska – piano/head of the section – lacks the approval of the supervising institution as well as the lack of pedagogic-methodical foundation to teach in the school of music at the secondary level.” Copied to: Michał Lisiecki, deputy director of the Center for Artistic Education of the Ministry of Culture. This was again a provocation. Karcz has not informed me why she suddenly questioned my professional qualifications. If she knew about it on July 1, 1999, why had I not been immediately informed about it by her or the school director? Has anything mysterious occurred between the end of the school year in the last days of June and July 1, 1999? The letter signed by Karcz was probably issued later, in August 1999 for example, when I was already pregnant. This would explain the delay in the delivery of the letter.
I sent a letter to the Ministry of Culture. I received a response signed by Michał Lisiecki stating that I of course do have qualifications required of teachers at the secondary stage of education in a state school of music.
The aim of this provocation was probably to block my professional advancement and to cause my angry reaction. […] Communist provocations are usually based on violations of law or violations of the most basic social rules. The attacked person rightly feels to be deeply hurt. However, if the attacked person tries to use his or her theoretically available rights or tries to find justice in another way, he or she will be eliminated. Karcz knew perfectly well that my pedagogical qualifications are completely fine. The provocation was successful only in part. I was not promoted but also I have not been carried away by the anger I have not taken any legal measures in reaction to the violation of law and normal social rules. Of course, the provocation required the participation of the regional inspector, the school director, as well as the Ministry of Culture. As is usual in such situations, local functionaries were fully supported by the remaining part of the apparatus of the criminal state.
I was again offered the post of head of the piano section. In March 2008, inspector Karcz announced suddenly that Małgorzata Małaczyńska (current last name Szumska), one of the school teachers, will suddenly become the new school director on 1 April 2008. I was the only one to object to such a sudden and unwarranted change of the school head. No one else dared to say a word, although this was an extremely pathological situation. This brazen move of the authorities must have been dictated by the sudden appearance of something new. The authorities have not even tried to pretend that any rules of law and common sense were followed in such a sudden change and unexplained change of the school director. Something very important must have happened. The change of the school director in the middle of the school year, which was carried out without any justification whatsoever, must have served some important purpose. Essentially the only noticeable change after the new director assumed the post was making Małgorzata Głuchowska the new head of the piano section. It should be emphasized that also the selection of the previous director had nothing to do with the normal process of picking an appropriate leader for the school’s community. This is simply how things are in Poland. Careers are not based on knowledge, skills, and ethical and moral qualifications.
The new teacher, Honorata Górna, heavily supported by inspector Karcz, was employed in the school’s piano section, although it would be more rational and desired to offer the job to a teacher with full qualifications for both the first and the second stage of musical education. Górna played a leading role in provocations against me, while having full all-around protection from the authorities.
Simultaneously the hunt for Lech S. Borkowski continued at the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań. In the first semester of 2011/12, he led a course in English “Dynamics of neural systems”. The head of the Physics department R. Naskręcki did not initially respond to LSB’s proposal who submitted the course outline in the Summer of 2010. However, LSB was not discouraged and the course was eventually placed on the list of elective lectures. In October 2010, Naskręcki organized a provocation in October 2010, trying to engineer an artificial conflict, to block the process of LSB’s habilitation, and to make LSB’s job in the Department of Physics maximally difficult. LSB and avoided being drawn into the provocation.
These provocations have been carried out during LSB’s habilitation process. R. Naskręcki had a legal duty to ensure its effective and efficient progress. However, neither he nor his deputy for scientific matters A. Lipowski, have met this obligation. Instead, they organized provocations against LSB.
In September 2011, an all-out attack was launched against me (MG) at the State School of Music in Zielona Góra. The first aggressor was Górna. A very important role was given to Sławomir Mundry, secretary of the school’s Parents Council, an employee of PGNiG (Polskie Górnictwo Naftowe i Gazownictwo), Poland’s dominant gas state-run firm. Mundry entered the school’s community in September 2011 and immediately launched an attack on me both as the head of the Parents Council and one of the managers of the school. Moreover, he instructed the school director, who obediently carried out his orders. Górna, Mundry, and Małaczyńska (Szumska) have skillfully used methods typical of the functionaries of NKVD. The aim was to subject me to psychological torture, to defame, to degrade, and to fire me from my job in the school. The bullet in the back of the head has been replaced by a social and mental murder carried out step-by-step, in installments.
It is worth pointing out, that the functionaries carrying this wet job on weekdays, go to church on Sundays and holy days, frequently participating in the Holy Communion. This provides an excellent cover for their criminal activity. However, the Church remains silent both in this case as well as in many other matters, in which it should speak up.
29 November 2011
The perpetrators removed me from the post of the head of the Parents Council.
19 December 2011
I handed in my letter of 12 December 2011 to Wacław Kłaput, the chief inspector of the Center for Artistic Education in the Ministry of Culture. The letter detailed, among other things, falsifications carried out by the school director. The sequence of events shows clearly that the outcome of this “inspection” was determined before his arrival in Zielona Góra.
I decided to inform the state prosecutor’s office in Zielona Góra.
I sent two letters to Zdzisław Bujanowski, director of the Ministry of Culture’s Center for Artistic Education, in which I described criminal activities in Zielona Góra’s State School of Music, including extreme bullying.
23 January 2012
I testified in the prosecutor’s office in front of prosecutor Paweł Jankowski.
1 February 2012
In a letter to the Director of the Center for Artistic Education in the Ministry of Culture Zdzisław Bujanowski I wrote:
„Following my complaint of December 7, 2011, concerning degrading treatment, harassment, and victimization primarily as a teacher and the head of the piano section, I request written information when the inspection of these issues began who is leading it, and what are results of the investigation.
I would like to know as well if showing the contents of files of my professional promotion to the level of the certified teacher to a third person does not violate existing procedures and the law. When I entered the teachers’ room at the end of June or beginning of July last year, which leads to the office of the Ministry of Culture regional inspector, I saw inspector Karcz showing information from my documentation of professional advance to Renata Lato, who is the director of the level 1 State School of Music in Krosno Odrzańskie. Lato was busy writing information shown to her. What was the purpose of this exercise? On whose initiative Ms Lato received access into my file of professional advance?”
8 February 2012
I deposited my testimony in front of prosecutor Paweł Sawicki.
8 February 2012
In February 2012, a provocation was carried out in the Elementary School at Truskawkowa Street in Zielona Góra. An attempt was made to arrange a situation in such way that it would be viewed as a conflict between us and other parents and to blame us for firing of the class teacher. LSB wrote a letter to the director of the School Witold Gołdyński. Here it is in its entirety.
During the school day on February 7, 2012, my daughter learned that some children from her class have some very vague reservations towards her. A suggestion has been made that these nebulous remarks would lead to removing her from the function of the class president. I have never heard of a change of class president in the middle of a school year. It is hard to believe that it is the children themselves who thought up the idea of removing the class president. I would rather guess it is a result of parents’ action.
At the beginning of the English lesson the student Wiktoria Krawiec announced that the pupils of the class V-a should express an opinion in writing, whether they like the behaviour of my daughter […] or not. According to the announcement the opinion should be brought to the weekly discussion class tomorrow, February 8, 2012, led by teacher serving as the class tutor. According to my daughter, the announcement’s appeared to have been made as a result of instruction issued by the class tutor Ms Grzesiak. I would like therefore to ask the question, whether Wiktoria Krawiec’s announcement was indeed made following instruction of Ms Grzesiak? I would like to receive an answer to this question.
The English lesson was the second lesson of the day. At what time did Ms Grzesiak learn about those vague reservations regarding my daughter? Did it occur during the first hour of the school day, which was the extracurricular math club led by Ms Grzesiak?
My daughter does not participate in the math club, but had an impression that the idea of directing to her those strange and vague allegations appeared probably during the first hour of the school day. This conclusion is supported by the timing of Wiktoria Krawiec’s announcement at the beginning of the second school hour. If this indeed was the case, it is natural to ask, what is the real program of the math club, if it generates such ideas?
I request a detailed written response about this issue. I request also
- Names of students who expressed those vague allegations towards my daughter
- Copy of allegations towards my daughter
- Immediate meeting with children who expressed allegations and their parents. We would like the matter to be cleared immediately.
- Written explanation from the School Director, if arbitrary, vague and rather nonsensical, as I infer from the context, remarks towards an outstanding student, exemplary also by her social attitude, can form a basis for writing denunciations of ‘why I do not like Julia’?
- Does School Director accept Ms Grzesiak’s decision, who ordered to provide those unclear allegations in writing?
- I request an immediate consultation by a school or outside psychologist for those children, who cause these problems.
I would like to remind, that my daughter was already earlier the target of bullying from some of her classmates. This occurred in classes 1-3. The lead role in degrading my daughter was then played by […]. [Daughter] was photographed with a mobile phone by […] during a change of clothes before the physical education lesson. When my daughter protested, […] blamed her for unwillingness to play. […] also announced in class a vote of the kind „who does not like [my daughter], raise your hand”. It is important to remember that and to ask, whether photographing an undressed child at school, carried out by an adult or child, qualifies for an investigation by a prosecuting authority?
My wife and I chose to wait patiently for the results of school action in this matter. We did not insist on immediate action to prevent this form of violence, although it was clear that the school made mistakes: it acted too slowly and arranged at some point a strange confrontation, when my daughter was placed against four perpetrators. The aim of the confrontation was allegedly to proof who is telling the truth. What a wicked idea! To add to the victim’s suffering by confronting her with four of the bullies! A psychologist would probably point out elementary mistakes committed by the school pedagogue, who arranged this confrontation. The truth could have been easily reached by other methods, e.g. through individual conversations and with a help of a psychologist. I was surprised that the school committed such elementary psychological errors. However, we decided to be patient and calm.
Today the problem returns in another form. A written statement on the theme of „Why I do not like Julia” seems to be new, somewhat more sophisticated form of bullying. An absurd allegation was already given a serious form of written homework, perhaps carried out with the help of parents, on the theme of ‘Why I do not like Julia’. This is a scandal.
My daughter told me that among those ‘unhappy ones’ is an aggressive boy calling another one ‘you idiot’, ‘gay’, using a feminine gender, which is very well known to Ms Grzesiak. Does Ms Grzesiak not see a problem here? Does Ms Grzesiak not see a connection between the behaviour of the aggressor and the behaviour of his father during parents’ meetings? I can easily see this relation. I would like to remind that Ms Grzesiak has not reacted to the words of the aforementioned man, who contentedly and self-assuredly claimed that nothing can be done with the aggressive behaviour among boys. He also expressed the view that this is a private problem exclusively between two battling boys. Ms Grzesiak was then surprisingly helpless against this disturbing opinion. This behaviour is not worthy of a pedagogue. It is the pedagogue’s duty to guard a safe environment, free of violence. I protested firmly at the time, expressing a view, that verbal of physical abuse affects the entire class, spoils the learning environment and there should be no place for this kind behaviour at school.
I request the school’s authorities’ honest engagement in creating an environment free from abuse. Truly free, instead of empty declarations displayed in the school’s hallways.
If the school does not react to physical and verbal violence, it creates environment supporting bullying, not learning. I have not heard about children having to write homework essays on the theme ‘Why should there be no violence at school’ or ‘Why verbal abuse is as hurting as the physical one’. I am not aware of the School ever assigning this kind of homework.”
9 February 2012
LSB submitted another letter to the Director of the elementary school regarding provocations against our daughter.
During a lesson on nature and environment on February 8 […] my daughter was called out of class by Ms Grzesiak. For a considerable time, Ms Grzesiak put pressure on my daughter following my letter submitted to you yesterday.
I do not understand Ms Grzesiak’s behavior and I do not accept interfering with my child’s learning. My daughter has not done anything wrong. She is a well-behaved and exemplary student. The lesson on nature and environment should be devoted to learning about the subject matter. My child should have been in the classroom together with other children.
I would like to inform also, that Ms Grzesiak has not tried to contact the parents […], i.e. neither me nor my wife.
The school director has not responded to questions posed in both letters. At the end of February 2012, he organized a parents’ meeting, which was used as an opportunity to provoke LSB’s into an emotional response. One of the parents, Mr. Romejko, attacked him with the words “You should be in therapy”. There was not the slightest reason to blame LSB for anything. The aim was simply to manufacture some kind of conflict. When LSB was beginning to speak, some parents interrupted, drowning his speech. We learned from our experience that denying the targeted person an opportunity for a peaceful and unobstructed expression is a basic method of provocation, whose aim is to provoke the target into a strong emotional reaction. However, Lech Borkowski resisted the provocation and did not let himself be dragged into an artificial conflict.
It worth pointing out that the parents at the meeting protested against calling the provocation against Lech’s daughter as “methods of SB”, where SB stands for Służba Bezpieczeństwa, the Communist Secret Police in Poland. This expression was used by LSB during his conversation with the school director and the class tutor Ms Grzesiak on February 7, 2012. Characteristically, the parents expressing this protest, used the phrase “metody ubowskie”, which was not the phrase used by LSB. The school director and the class tutor played key roles in this provocation because without their participation the situation could not have happened at all.
In June 2012, we transferred our daughter to the Elementary School No. 11 in Zielona Góra.
10 February 2012
Director of the State School of Music in Zielona Góra Małgorzata Małaczyńska, carrying now the name of Małgorzata Szumska, addressed to me an extremely aggressive letter. It was handed in 51 days after the announcement of the yearly school director’s award for my devoted and successful service. I was receiving this distinction every year since the beginning of my work at the school.
Director’s letter exemplifies the Communist persecution of a human object selected for liquidation and therefore I am passing it on to Poland’s highest authorities. It should be placed among the most precious documents of the current times. In the future, it will testify to the extraordinary flourishing of brutality in a supposedly free and democratic country. In the country allegedly experiencing the best time in its thousand years long history! Obviously, the knowledge and skills of the Communist system in liquidating a human being are being applied with great proficiency. It is impossible to acquire these skills accidentally. They are not part of schools’ curricula. They are not discussed in the media. Nevertheless, the liquidating collective clearly follows a carefully established plan of action. Will we hear from them some time in the future that they merely followed orders? If so, whose orders were they following? It is time for the Polish society to know who is behind this executive power.
14 February 2012
I sent the next portion of my testimony to prosecutor Paweł Sawicki. Among other things, it addresses the roles of the functionaries of the Ministry of Culture in Warsaw and Bydgoszcz.
The prosecutor refused to initiate judiciary proceedings in his letter dated 22 February 2012. He used this opportunity to falsify my testimony in his arguments.
In a letter dated 2 February 2012, the Artistic Education Department’s Director in the Ministry of Culture Wiktor Jędrzejec summed up the results of the so-called inspection conducted on behalf of the Ministry. This letter is likely to have been written much later that the stated date in strict coordination with the prosecutor’s office.
6 March 2012
I traveled to Warsaw. I talked to a lawyer in the Center for Artistic Education of the Ministry of Culture. I also talked to Beata Drewniecka in the Ministry of Culture and submitted extensive documentation of organized criminal activities, including all the attachments.
8 March 2012
I was sacked as Head of the Piano Section. I was also deprived of all the rewards, including the customary reward on the occasion of the School’s jubilee, and a part of my salary. This situation persisted until I was fired from the School entirely.
I would like to remind, you that already earlier I have been suffering from health as well as moral and financial losses.
Intensive actions aimed at firing me from the job and killing me as a social being were carried out between September 2011 to December 2015.
Provocations against Lech S. Borkowski were continued in the academic year 2011/12, as they have been before. In March 2012, Lech Borkowski’s name was omitted when names of persons carrying out lectures in English were presented during the faculty meeting, in which also the University rector and his deputies took part. When LSB spoke and reminded me that he conducted lectures in English on the dynamics of neural systems, he was immediately attacked by one of the Department’s functionaries. Department’s Chairman Ryszard Naskręcki blocked LSB’s chance of response to a false charge by immediately closing the meeting, following the functionary’s attack. Adam Mickiewicz University Rector Bronisław Marciniak, his deputies, and all the other participants in the faculty meeting approved this action since they knew very well that Lech Borkowski was to be murdered as a member of the academic community.
Undergraduate and doctoral students have also been used in provocations against my husband. Different methods have been employed to obstruct planned classroom work and proper student assessment at the semester’s end. A recurring element of provocations is to block the targeted person’s functioning in the working environment in agreement with official rules and principles of common sense. At the beginning of each semester, the lecturer informs students about grading guidelines and rules for achieving satisfactory progress. Functionaries of the University in Poznań did everything they could to prevent LSB from following the rules he announced earlier and to harshly punish attempts of following the law and common sense. This is a typical Bolshevik method.
The University Rector Bronisław Marciniak and his deputy Andrzej Lesicki received detailed information about violations of law at the University and the persecution of L. S. Borkowski. They either remained silent or tried to discourage my husband from demanding respect for his rights and provided him with false information. They participated in the persecution. Lesicki was rewarded with the post of the University Rector when Marciniak ended his term.
The University in Poznań received the name of Adam Mickiewicz, a great Polish poet, in 1957 surely as part of the camouflage. It should bear the name of another well-known Pole, Feliks Dzierżyński. It is merely one more institution of social violence. The institution’s name should reflect the methods of action of its functionaries. Also the word ‘university’ should be replaced. Perhaps ‘Higher School of Social Violence’? This would definitely be more truthful than university. One could also apply another naming variant: Higher School of the 10 Sudeten Armored Division of the Polish People’s Army. In 1963, the Division led by Colonel Marian Koper received the name of Heroes of the Soviet Union and Koper was later Commandant of the Higher School of Armored Forces in Poznań from 1969 to 1973. This school of Communist officers has collaborated closely with the University. Ties of the tank men to Poznań University are emphasized e.g. by praising the cooperation between the University and the military school during the so-called Polish People’s Republic.
The main goal of the Communist Party’s Committee at the Adam Mickiewicz University was establishing the influence of the Party organization on all University activities. This meant in particular ideological and political influence on University’s life based on institution’s needs and demands of the general lines of Party policy in People’s Poland. The University Committee of the Polish United Workers Party guided the entire University community into the country-wide effort of shaping the socialist appearance of universities.
The University Chapter of the Polish-Soviet Friendship Association also played an important role.
The main aim was the strengthening of the Polish-Soviet friendship. […] Successful realization of this program was facilitated by the daily collaboration of the Chapter and the University with the USSR Consulate in Poznań, whose representatives participated in Adam Mickiewicz University activities and thoroughly supported institution’s initiatives.”
Both quotes appeared in the book 50 Years of Adam Mickiewicz University 1919-1969 (in Polish, 50 lat Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza 1919-1969) published in 1971.
During the academic commencement ceremony of the commencement of the academic year 2015-16, the Russian Consul, a representative of the country responsible for the destruction of the Polish civilization, was received by the Rector and functionaries of the Rector’s office as a guest of honor. These same functionaries expelled Dr. Habil. Lech S. Borkowski from his job at the University.
As one can see, Poland is a true camp without barriers. The place of social murder without barriers. Each tormentor and sadist will find here a place for himself or herself and careful protection by comrades in crime.
The selection” of a new director of the State School of Music in Zielona Góra was just another provocation. Renata Lato was introduced to the school on 30 August 2013. The group consisting of three Ministry of Culture inspectors Krystyna Karcz, Włodzimierz Ogrodniczak, Anna Kask, and the Chairman of the Parents Council Sławomir Mundry, kept the members of the School’s Pedagogical Council waiting for quite a while. Shortly afterward they were joined by Honorata Górna. Maria Kuna, the Russian operative from Leningrad, also took part in this Communist ceremony. This group of eager guards was to ensure the continuity of organized criminal activities in the coming years.
Provocations in the State School of Music in Zielona Góra continued.
I wrote two letters to Prime Minister Ewa Kopacz, who studied medicine and trained as a pediatrist.
I wrote another two letters to Prime Minister Kopacz.
11 September 2015
I went on sick leave. The doctor of first contact committed an astonishing medical error, prescribing an absolutely inappropriate medicine. The reason for this ‘mistake’ became obvious later.
At the end of October and at the beginning of November 2015, the School director and Renata Lato and physicians of the Regional Center of Occupational Medicine participated in an organised criminal action against Małgorzata Głuchowska. It soon turned out that legal regulations were constructed in a way that maximally enabled tingcommit the social murder by fabricating a false medical statement about the targeted person’s health. One of the key elements of the provocation is the Health Minister Ordinance of 30 May 1996, concerning medical examinations of employees and medical statements for purposes specified in the Labor Code. This Ordinance allows occupational health physicians to submit an employee to an absolutely arbitrary examination outside of routine health checks.
This ordinance is more significant in practice than the country’s Constitution, because (1) no one is speaking about changing it and closing the possibility of crimes committed by physicians, (2) it precedes the Constitution of 1997, whose change is postulated in various babbles since about middle of last year.
For the past twenty years, no political party, no parliament member, no public functionary raised voice about the the aforementioned Ordinance contradicting the Constitution. This is the reality of falsism and the public propaganda of fiction.
When my human rights and constitutional rights were being continually violated, my letters and interventions at different levels of state power and in the prosecutor’s office have not elicited the slightest positive response. Constitution is not the supreme law in Poland. Instead, the highest authority is represented by decisions and ordinances of functionaries. It is one of the basic principles of falsism.
Zbigniew Brzezinski’s book The Collapse of Communism published by the Hoover Institution in 2000, contains the chapter The Grand Failure adapted from his 1989 book with the same title. It begins with the following paragraph:
A single crucial fact is the key to understanding the fall of communism in Eastern Europe: Marxism-Leninism was an alien doctrine imposed on the region by an imperial power whose rule was culturally repugnant to the dominated peoples. As a result, a process of organic rejection of communism by East European societies – a phenomenon similar to the human’s body rejection of a transplanted organ – ensued. This process played out in a contest between national forces seeking ways to free their societies from Moscow’s dogma and Soviet attempts to develop new ways to retain ultimate control over region’s destiny.
Brzezinski’s interpretation is incorrect.
Małgorzata Głuchowska, Dr hab. Lech S. Borkowski
Cc: Prime Minister B. Szydło, President A. Duda, J. Kaczyński, Government Ministers P. Gliński, K. Radziwiłł and J. Gowin
1. Letter from Małgorzata Głuchowska to Health Minister Konstanty Radziwiłł 6 April 2016
2. Letter from Małgorzata Głuchowska to President Andrzej Duda 10 May 2016