Letter From Małgorzata Głuchowska and Lech Borkowski to Prime Minister of Poland 10 December 2017

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Małgorzata Głuchowska
and Lech S. Borkowski

Mateusz Morawiecki
Prime Minister
Al. Ujazdowskie 1/3
00-583 Warszawa

10 December 2017

Dear Prime Minister,

We started writing this letter in September and finished in the last few days. When the letter was ready to be sent, a change of prime minister was organized.

We sent an 18-page letter to the Minister of Justice on 10 May 2016. It contains description of organized criminal actions against our family over many years. A copy of the letter was also received by the Prime Minister, the President, the chairman of the ruling party, the Minister of Science, the Minister of Culture, the Minister of Health. They received also a copy of the letter to the President and to the Minister of Health, which was included as an attachment to the main letter. The authorities did not react to the letter. The state authorities cannot pretend they are absent of course. They are fully in charge and bear full responsibility.

Lech Borkowski’s parents, Bolesław and Irena, were prisoners of Communist concentration camps in the area of Arkhangelsk in northern Russia. Repressions against them were continued in the Communist Polish People’s Republic, after they arrived within its borders in 1957. Many other family members of Irena Borkowska, maiden name Ostrowska, were also imprisoned in Communist concentration camps after the second world war and were subject to the program of repressions in later years. Irena’s family living in Gienuża, near the village of Buczany in the Brasław county, supported Polish underground resistance fighting for the independence of Poland.

Irena was arrested by the Soviet occupation authorities together with her father and younger brother Klemens in 1949. She was subjected to brutal treatment by the prison functionaries who were trying to force her to reveal the names of Polish resistance fighters from the 24 Brigade “Dryświaty” of the Home Army. The Ostrowski family helped partisans, who were coming to obtain food and to warm up. Irena has not revealed names. Interrogators used typical Communist methods. They were tormenting the victim in various ways to force her to sign the text prepared by the Soviets. Knowing that Irena was deeply religious person, the interrogator was hanging a rosary on his fly and stood provocatively in front of her, trying to break her psychologically and humiliate. The arrested were subjected to terror. Irena was sentenced by the Soviet War Tribunal to many years in a concentration camp. Her father and brother were also sent to concentration camps.

My mother’s family categorically opposed the Communist collectivization. The Soviet occupiers confiscated their farm and the land they owned. The Communists imprisoned the family and stripped them of their Polish citizenship.

Klemens Ostrowski in 1947, left, and in 1957, middle and right, after release from communist concentration camp; Letter Gluchowska Borkowski Prime Minister Poland 10 December 2017
Klemens Ostrowski in 1947, left, and in 1957 after release from the Communist concentration camp

The pictures show Klemens Ostrowski, Irena’s younger brother. First from left is picture taken in 1947. The next two were taken in 1957, after his release from concentration camp. The bent figure in the picture on the right is Klemens. He was not able to stand upright. The Communists subjected him to physical and psychological torture.

LSB fully supports his parents stand towards the Soviet Union and Communism.

Bolesław Borkowski worked for many years as a fabric cutter at the clothing manufacturing plant Warmia in Kętrzyn.  He was most likely the best worker of the cutting department. The Communists tried to evict him from his job using different types of provocations. Irena was openly followed by a secret police operative in civilian clothes. This was a typical stalking. Provocations were also used against Irena in her workplace. Repressions were encompassing both the working sphere as well as everyday life. This was the foundation of the Communist program of repressions. Persons opposed to totalitarianism were persecuted by Communists, who tried to eliminate the targets of persecution from social life by all possible means, destroying both their working activities and personal life. This genocidal activity has been continued after 1990 to this day.

The District Court in Olsztyn awarded in 1997 a financial compensation to Bolesław Borkowski for his imprisonment in a Communist concentration camp. However, according to the act of 23 February 1991, with subsequent amendments, on annulling sentences of Communist courts issued against persons fighting for an independent Polish state, Bolesław should not have received the aforementioned compensation, because he deserted from the Communist army on 13 January 1945, one day before the official military oath ceremony in Rzeszów on 14 January 1945. The copy of letter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus in Minsk dated 27 November 1996, which confirmed Bolesław’s desertion and the date of the NKVD War Tribunal trial held in Brześć on the Bug river in 1945, was sent by Bolesław to the Provincial Court in Olsztyn. The Court in Olsztyn decided to ignore this evidence and instead used a false testimony of a “witness”, who claimed that my father belonged to the Polish Home Army resistance in the area of his village of Krejwańce in the Oszmiana county. Based on the above facts the decision to award my father a compensation was a falsification. My father never belonged to Home Army or any other underground resistance organization during WWII. The sentence of the Olsztyn Provincial Court in Olsztyn must be viewed as an attempt to eliminate from history the identity of persons who actively resisted the criminal policy of Soviet Union against Poland.

Irena Borkowska’s motion for financial compensation for her imprisonment from 1949 to 1957 for her support of the Polish resistance in the Brasław county of the Wilno voivodship was rejected based on the same law.

Repressions and provocations against Lech Borkowski and Małgorzata Głuchowska, and their expulsion from their jobs are continuation of the repressions against Irena and Bolesław. Our daughter was attacked as well […]. Actions against us were strictly coordinated and were carried out simultaneously at the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, the State School of Music in Zielona Góra and the Elementary School at the Truskawkowa Street in Zielona Góra. The provocation against our daughter Julia was triggered in her elementary school on 7 February 2012, in parallel to intensified actions against Małgorzata at the State School of Music and against Lech at the University in Poznań.

Let us also remember that Witold Giriat, Irena Borkowska’s cousin, who led a semiconductor laboratory at the Institute of Physics of the Polish Academy of Science in Warsaw, was forced to emigrate in mid-1970s. By falsifying her mother’s maiden name on Irena’s death certificate of 6 December 2014 the authorities tried to erase the relationship between Irena and Witold.

The changes of 1989-90 have not altered foundations of the Communist social and historic policy. Contemporary state apparatus continues the persecution initiated by the Soviet Union and the Communist apparatus of repression. Lack of authorities’ reaction to information about the criminal activities directed against our family is a sign of approval and participation in the crime.

It is very telling that the word “doomed” or “cursed”, in Polish “wyklęci”, is being used to describe persons opposing the Communist occupation actively, primarily by military means. The usage of this word is a result of a provocation, of course. No one respecting personal sacrifice in the fight for independence, suffering and spilled blood, could formulate such a term, whose aim is not remembrance and paying respect to patriots, but only a hostile takeover of the narrative of struggle against the Communist occupiers in defence of Rzeczpospolita.

Following Lech Borkowski’s application to the Institute of National Remembrance in 2008 to make available documents concerning his father Bolesław, the Institute responded after a long delay, presenting copies of only documents related to issuing a personal ID and passport. It is impossible that the Communists have not created any other documents relating to Bolesław. The delay in response to Lech’s application must be viewed as committed purposefully.

Falsification of history was also the aim of response to Lech Borkowski’s letter of 9 October 2014 to Director of Institute of National Remembrance. The Institute replied that Bolesław was born in the Sejny county, which is a lie, of course. Bolesław was born in the village of Krejwańce in Oszmiana county in the Wilno area.

Similarly, the response of the Central Military Archive to Lech Borkowski’s 8 October 2014 letter to Director of the Archive must be viewed as purposeful falsification. The Central Military Archive answered that it does not possess any data related to Bolesław. It is absolutely improbable that neither the Communist military nor the persecuting authorities of the Communist dictatorship would have access to the list of persons who refused to serve in the Communist army by deserting from it. Falsification may be carried out in many different ways, of course. It may be committed at different times. If there is indeed no information in the Military Archive about persons who deserted from the Communist army, it must be called a falsification, because the acts of removal or hiding of data from archives are precisely it. The personal data and plenty of other information related to deserters from the Communist army are definitely carefully preserved, if not in the Military Archive then outside of it.

Falsification of history is obvious at every step. The Karta Center provides information about the internment of Aleksander Głuchowski, Małgorzata Głuchowska’s grandfather, by the Lithuanian authorities on 22 September 1939, following the joint German and Soviet invasion in Poland, subsequent imprisonment in Kozielsk (Kozelsk) on 13 July 1940, then imprisonment in Griazowiec (Gryazovets) from 2 July 1941 to 3 September 1941, but hides the fact of Aleksander’s imprisonment by the Polish Communist authorities in 1947, after his return to Poland from Great Britain. Aleksander stayed in the UK after the end of fighting in the Polish Army on the western front of WWII.

Orodek KARTA, sfałszowana baza danych osób represjonowanych przez Związek Radziecki wydana w 2013 finansowana z pieniędzy publicznych; Falsified database of Soviet repressions published by the KARTA center and financed from the state budget, Poland 2013
Falsified database of Soviet repressions published by the KARTA center and financed from the state budget, Poland 2013

Long imprisonment of several members of Ostrowski family from Gienuża and Bolesław Borkowski was also ignored by the Karta Center. The functionaries of Karta and the Institute of National Remembrance knew perfectly, whose data should remain in the archives and who should be removed. There is not a slightest doubt that neither the Karta Center nor later Institute of National Remembrance were formed for the purpose of recovering truth about Poland, its citizens and history, but for the sake of upholding the Communist historical narrative, strictly subordinated to the Russian narrative.

The Leninist character of the state is clearly visible in both the symbolic layer of the public sphere as well as in the workings of the state apparatus. This apparatus has a repressive character. The methods of elimination of a person from the workplace and from the social life are identical to Communist methodology. These are the same tools applied by people subjected to the same training. The basic method of the state apparatus against an individual trying to use theoretically applicable laws are lies, falsifications and provocations carried out in the workplace and outside of it.

Our experience allows us to state unequivocally that based on the entire material gathered about the targeted person and persons close to him or her a general plan of action is created first, then more detailed actions are planned and executed. The general plan is the social context, within which the operation of social murder is to be carried out. Detailed actions include open law violations and falsifications. If the target opposes the violations of law, falsifications and violations of her dignity, these actions are escalated, and further provocations are arranged.

Implementation of provocations and falsifications on all levels relies on meticulously detailed oppressive infrastructure. This is a social infrastructure: personnel trained and devoted to the oppressive service, methods and scenarios of actions, methods of falsification of the narrative, knowledge and experience accumulated over the many years since Communists seized power. Functionaries of science, culture, psychology, medicine, law etc. Communist dictatorship relied on relentless everyday application of psychological and social violence. The social oppression was and still is the most important tool of power in Poland.

Genocidal activities are an inherent part of Communism. Joseph Stalin wrote in conclusion of his article “On the Policy of Liquidating the Kulaks as a class” in newspaper Krasnaya Zvezda (The Red Star), no. 18 on 21 January 1930 (quoted from the book Leninism by Joseph Stalin, George Allen & Unwin, London 1933, page 279):

“Hence the present policy of our party in the village is not a continuation of the old policy, but a change from the old policy of restricting (and squeezing out) the capitalist elements of the countryside to the new policy of liquidating the kulaks as a class.”

Expulsion of Lech Borkowski and Małgorzata Głuchowska from their jobs is an expression of Communist genocidal activities. The aim of earlier imprisonment in Communist concentration camps and theft of land belonging to Ostrowskis, Borkowskis and millions other families was to deprive them of independence, sustenance and means to make a living, to cause physical and social death, and subsequently to obliterate traces of the crime. The removal of us from our jobs by the functionaries of Leninism in the Fall of 2015 was the next stage of attack on our family, whose aim was to eliminate us from the public and social life, to liquidate our independence and our social and public identity. We were deprived of work and possibility to earn a living.

Different variants of the same genocidal method were applied previously against Jan Czochralski, professor expelled from the Technical University of Warsaw (Politechnika Warszawska), Aleksander Głuchowski, Wiktor Rodowicz, arrested in Zielona Góra in 1948 and imprisoned until 1956, poet Wojciech Bąk, doctor Jan Mieczysław Abramski in Maków Mazowiecki, Witold Giriat in the Institute of Physics of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Irena and Bolesław Borkowski during their life after their release from the concentration camp. Elimination from the social and public life, as well as falsification of identity are an integral component of the Communist genocidal policy.

After deciding to expel Lech Borkowski from the University in Poznań, the functionaries set up a Wikipedia page with his name. This page was made despite Lech Borkowski’s objection. Very extended Wikipedia pages were also set up for the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań and its Department of Physics. The latter contains excessive amount of data, far beyond information normally published in such entries. This page contains very detailed data usually appearing on institutional web pages, but not in Wikipedia. For example, the full list of scientific divisions, their heads and names of independent researchers, i.e. those with habilitation. The name of Lech Borkowski was removed from the Wikipedia page of the University’s Department of Physics on 1 October 2017, two years after the decision to remove him from University was announced and one year and seven months after his employment ended. The aim of these manipulations is maximum control of publicly available information and falsification of it. The falsification committed by functionaries on Wikipedia pages alters identity and facts, aims at falsifying the past, the present and the future. It is a totalitarian falsification.

It is very characteristic that university professor is expelled from the institution and simultaneously strictly coordinated and wide-ranging Internet activities are being carried out to blur and to falsify this information. This is Leninism in the era of Internet. Many scientists very well known in the world are not the target of functionaries writing Wikipedia entries. Thus the functionaries doubly emphasize Lech Borkowski’s importance: firstly, by expelling him from his job, secondly, by appointing functionaries to track his Internet activity and to manufacture a fake narrative.

We are dealing here also with a very characteristic Communist methodology of masking activities. A Wikipedia entry containing personal data and selected information related to the person are published under the false pretext of presenting in Wikipedia a set of institution’s very detailed organizational data. Copying extreme administrative details and persons’ names available on institution’s website to another location in the Internet does not make sense, if conventional methods of reasoning are applied. This activity does not create any new value and new information, but only makes a copy. This hyperactivity in the realm outside conventional common sense, institutional duties, and with precisely programmed mistakes, does however have its natural explanation in the leninist, oppressive system of the state. This state is ineptly disguised as democratic but in reality it continues the Communist dictatorship in new decorations.

Wikipedia, like many other Internet tools, is an instrument of narrative control. Its high ranking in the results of Internet search engines, and therefore high visibility, facilitates propagation of manipulations and falsehoods. In the hands of functionaries, it is simply an instrument of social violence.

The state-sponsored database People of Science (Ludzie Nauki) available at opi.org.pl, where Lech Borkowski continues to be shown as Adam Mickiewicz University employee, serves the same falsifying purpose.

Functionaries of the Polish Physical Society refused LSB’s membership application. They applied a typical Communist method of nonresponse. When LSB applied to the Technical University of Wrocław (Politechnika Wrocławska) for transcripts of his undergraduate studies from 1983 to 1987, his request was denied. According to law, the university has an obligation to provide the transcripts on request. The Technical University of Wrocław refused to supply the document.

When on 24 May 2016 Lech Borkowski paid a membership fee and became member of the Polish Studies Association, a misspelled name was published on members list on the PSA website. After the President of the Association was notified, the spelling was corrected, but several weeks later the name was altered again. The address of Lech’s web page on the same members’ list was also falsified. On becoming PSA member, Lech provided the PSA President with his web page address, lsborkowski.com/pol/, and the list of areas of interest: Critical Narrative Analysis, Organized Social Violence, Criminal State. When the name was falsified, the web page address was falsified as well. PSA functionaries decided to replace lsborkowski.com/pol/ with an address belonging to Quantum Physics Division of the Department of Physics at the Adam Mickiewicz University, although this was several months after the end of LSB’s employment at the university. PSA also removed the three subjects of interest provided by Lech and replaced them with “Physics”. PSA did not inform Lech of these imposed changes and have not tried to contact him about it. Concentration camp functionaries do not communicate with the inmate. At the same time one can see a perfect coordination of falsifications between the University in Poznań, functionaries producing Wikipedia entries, and functionaries of the Polish Studies Association. The aim of these falsifications is clear: to make it difficult to reach information published by persecuted persons, to maximally distort their identity and their narrative.

It is worth remembering that during Lech Borkowski’s stay at Georgia Institute of Technology in Atlanta in 1997-98 the name plate on the door of his office contained severely distorted last name. Lech pointed out the errors on the name plate and removed it. New plate with correctly written name was not provided.

When Bolesław and Irena declared in 1956 the wish to leave the zone of the Polish territory occupied by the Soviet Union and to resettle to the area controlled by the Polish Communist government, the office of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in Widze did not inform them about the arrival of the leave permit. This method is characteristic of each rung of administrative ladder of the Communist criminal state. We have presented it in the Release 8, Disinform and Punish. Denial of Information Replaces Barbed Wire in Concentration Camp Poland, 1 February 2014.

Therefore, crimes and violation of human rights by functionaries of all branches of state apparatus should be viewed as the norm. The Polish constitution of 1997 with its guarantees of human rights plays a role similar to the Soviet Union’s constitution of 1936. As Hannah Arendt wrote in her book The Origins of Totalitarianism,

“the constitution of 1936 played a similar exactly the same role the Weimar constitution played under Nazi regime: it was completely disregarded but never abolished.”

Our analysis of problems within this area includes the following subjects:

  • Critical Narrative Analysis
  • Criminal State
  • Organized Social Violence

Our texts are published on the Internet at lsborkowski.com/pol/.

Yours sincerely,

Lech S. Borkowski, PhD Habil.

Małgorzata Głuchowska