The text of the letter in Polish is available here.
Małgorzata Głuchowska
[…]
Zielona Góra
Ewa Kopacz
Premier RP
Al. Ujazdowskie 1/3
00-583 Warszawa
Zielona Góra, 24 July 2015
Dear Prime Minister,
Our family was attacked with series of provocations simultanously in places of our work and study during the school year of 2001/12. We wrote about this in our letters to the previous prime minister and we are now writing to you. Single instances of hostile acts or irregularities could occur in different parts of the world. However, a very long series of pathological events cannot be accidental. Trying to interpret these events and violations of law by authorities of different institutions, in different professional environments, in the context of randomly occuring events would quickly lead to absurdity. The regularity and recurrence of pathology prove that these actions are planned and organized. I am including our Statement no. 25, 8 July 2015 (Attachment 1).
In our letters and public statements written together with my husband, we have compared the contemporary reality to situations and events typical of concentration camps. The key interpersonal relation in this context is the relation guard – prisoner. These situations encompass all areas of social life.
I endure my status as a prisoner in the most accute form at my workplace in the M. Karłowicz State School of Music in Zielona Góra. The hunt, whose aim is to lead to my social death, is openly conducted since at least September 2011. Provocations are organized and traps are set regularly.
This is an organized violence of the collective of power against an individual. Nothing new. We are dealing with the continuation of the Communist violence. This is the same violence in new decorations. The same lies. The same schemes of abusing a human being. The official story is that of a rather primitive never-ending tale of modernization. That the progress occurs thanks to you only. Indeed, the prisoner can improve his material status through the guards only. They decide. In reality, this is a genocidal activity. I am including our Statement 28 dated 19 July 2015 (Attachment 2).
On 19 December 2011, the chief inspector of Ministry of Culture Center for Artistic Education said to me „Well, you could sue the school director for bullying, but is it really necessary in the year of school’s anniversary?…”. However, this is not bullying. This is persecution for political reasons.
The origin of these provocations is entirely Communist. These are clearly recurring, well-trained schemes of action. The persons taking part have clearly been trained. Let us remember, that we are walking on the killing fields. Communists did everything to annihilate the civilisation being built for thousands of years. They organised a concentration camp on the ruins of that civilisation. Na zgliszczach tej cywilizacji zorganizowali obóz koncentracyjny. I wrote about it to Anne Applebaum in my letter of 22 May 2013,
We are living on the civilization’s cemetery. We are walking on the killing fields. These are fields of not just the physical death. After all, it was here, in the center of the 20th century Europe, where truth, dignity, decency, common sense, respect for old customs, traditions, beliefs were murdered during the Second World War and in the decades that followed. Here the concentration camp of the human conscience lives on
The material infrastructure can be rebuilt and developed further. However, the cultural and human infrastructure has been irrevocably destroyed. Entire communities have been murdered and expelled. Anyone, who tried to defend the fundamental human values, was persecuted.
Communists allowed the some political parties to organized movements to function. You were a member of the United Peasant Party. Was this party in opposition to the Communist Polish United Workers Party? And Bronisław Komorowski, who is leaving his presidential office? He has been working in Słowo Powszechne, newspaper of the PAX association. Was PAX an organisation in opposition to the Communist Party? The answer to both questions is negative. There was not a single association, not a single newspaper, that would represent views unacceptable and unsupported by the dictatorship. Indeed, both the Peasant Party and PAX were parts of the same coercive apparatus.
If the party you were representing as a Parliament member and later a Prime Minister has the word “Civic” in its name, why are persecuted for our attempts to perform our civic responsibilities as citizens of Poland, for our attempts to take responsibility for what happens around us, for trying to be citizens indeed?
The answer is simple. The word “Civic” is as representative of being citizen-friendly as the word “Workers” had in relation to workers in the name of the Polish United Workers Party.
A well-known quote attributed to Louis XIV is „I am the state”. An appropriate slogan for your governments is “We are the prison”.
Only in a relation between the prison guard and a prisoner can a situation occur, when an exemplary pedagogue received a reprimand instead of praise from the school director (Attachments 3, 4, 5). The main tool of a provocation is disinformation in both written and verbal forms. Making a decision on the basis of false information, such as e.g. Working Rules issued by the director, which contradict some of the laws (Attachment 6), the prisoner may fall into a trap. This method has was used against me since September 2011.
Educators of the young generation, other members of the school community, representatives of state authorities and state prosecutors participate in falsifications and in criminal activities. The system has been programmed to reproduce falsifications in future generations.
A school director in a normal country in a civilised world would thank teacher for her efforts and involvement. Would praise. Would smile. Would do everything to make my life easier. However, Poland is not a state. It is a concentration camp. Guards in a camp might sometimes do human gestures. Not here. Here the guard is tasked with unrelenting sadism. Her job is to finish the prisoner off psychologically. These are typical totalitarian methods. I take the reprimand given to me as the proof of the highest respect. To be punished by the repressive apparatus is an honor. I am in a good company: my grandfather, my husband’s parents and other members of his family were imprisoned for dozens of years, if you add all years of incarceration in prisons and concentration camps.
The experience teaches that it does not matter who is the school director. It is well known for decades that the authorities fill managerial posts with eager executors of their orders who will bully, intimidate and victimize anyone opposing violation of law, lies, and falsifications.
Despite my great devotion to students and the school, the school director manages to make my life difficult at every turn. I do not get travel money to be with my students during national and international piano competitions. This means I am denied the possibility of giving them the much needed support during competitions. I have to advise them remotely over the phone how to play on a given grand piano, depending on the acoustics of the performance hall, without witnessing and experiencing the sound. I simply do not have a choice, when the student phones me from a far location in Poland, expecting helpful advice.
School director’s actions block natural opportunities of contact and discussions with piano experts during those competitions. I am denied the chance of listening to performances of other student competitors and discussing it with their teachers, which is very beneficial and stimulating in my work.
I am also forced to participate in my free time and at my own expense in an incomprehensible and unproductive project with a foundation of very low credibility. Sham activities are organized today just like in the Communist times. Their true aim is hidden. However, it is certain that they have nothing to do with normal education.
Neither the previous nor the current school director have the qualities necessary to manage an artistic school of the 1st and 2nd level. This managerial post requires a wise guide and a true leader. Instead, we are dealing with graduates of Communist courses of surveillance, provocation, and psychological social violence. They are the best proof that Communism has not collapsed. Its cadres transitioned smoothly to the next development stage of the criminal organization. Sorry, this is just the criminal climate we have in this camp Poland.
Here’s another example. Olga R.(*), as presented in the Supreme Court ruling of 4 July 2007, which stated that she did not have the qualifications necessary to work as an assistant professor at the Academy of Music in Wrocław. Despite her lack of qualifications as well as artistic and pedagogical achievements, she was invited as a lecturer for many years to conduct workshops and open lessons. She was the guest of the Frederic Chopin Festival in Sulechów in 2010, which is patronized by MKiDN. Who invited her to Sulechów? Why are red carpets spread before the Russians even without qualifications, and some Poles are so ruthlessly eliminated? My husband returned to Poland after completing his Ph.D. from the University of Florida in the United States. Here he is constantly humiliated and discriminated against. The guards make every effort to force him into a social death. Representatives of various institutions and ministries know perfectly well who is the guard and who is the prisoner. Parliamentary laws and ministerial regulations are designed to facilitate excuses for participants in social genocide.
Olga R. was brought to the Zielona Góra State School of Music by the current head of the piano section, who also came from Russia. Young pianists associated with Russia, Ekaterina and Stanisław Drzewiecki were invited to the same festival and, unfortunately, had actually nothing to offer. There are many other examples of privileged treatment of people closely associated with Russia, which are not justified on the professional level. We know that this is not accidental.
Another example is the courses taught by Alexei Orlovetski. I participated twice in his courses in Wroclaw. I rate these meetings as unproductive episodes in my professional life, which were a complete waste of time. Orlovetski’s courses are still being organized. I know people from the community who fully share my view, but are afraid to admit it publicly.
This cultural imperialism, which causes the decline of Polish culture, is simply a continuation of enslavement after the Second World War. Artistic education is of great importance for the future of Polish culture. The decisions to employ Russian staff in Polish schools are a sign of long-term policy.
The school does not have musical scores published by reputable publishing houses that edit the musical text accurately and reliably. Instead, the section manager forces students to use falsified Russian and Soviet editions of piano works. Among them are also works by Polish composers published in the Soviet Union. By the way, I have no choice but to look on Cyrillic text during the exams conducted in the Polish school.
Very often, I receive Russian or Soviet musical editions, on the basis of which I have to prepare for the role of pianist – accompanist. There are situations in which I am forced to either play according to a falsified edition or look for reliable sources myself. If the search is successful and I play following the musical text from a reliable study, it turns out that it absolutely does not agree with the party of the violinist, who does not want or cannot use a non-Russian edition. It is a scandal and at the same time the daily life of gulag Poland.
It is worth recalling that at the time when as I was fighting for my life, attacked by the liquidation group using methods of psychological violence, the Alexandrov Choir performed nearby. The purpose of the performances of this choir was probably to maintain Polish-Russian ideological ties and to remind that everything remained really the same. Perhaps one could combine songs of Nazi Germany and Bolshevik Russia in one concert? The resulting climate would perfectly reflect realities of camp Poland.
Last autumn, another tour of the Choir was planned in Poland. When my husband sent a short letter to the tour organizer asking if the choir would also present cultural creations of Communist concentration camp prisoners, the route was cancelled and the organizer’s response did not actually contain any information. It is no coincidence that the dates of the concerts covered the period between the anniversary of the October Revolution on 7 November and the Polish Independence Day on 11 November. A symbolic union, right? Symbolic violence reaches us from every side in words, deeds and images. Millions of Poles watch every day in the evening news of the main public tv channel the picture of the symbol of Soviet domination over Poland.
I have been fighting for survival for four years now. With this letter, I want to express my opposition to the political persecution of me and my family. The responsibility lies with the former Prime Minister and his ministers as well as the current authorities.
A few days ago, the Prime Minister’s Office sent a strange response to one of our letters addressed to my husband. You offer direct contact to find out how you could help. The matter is very simple. When you persecute us, you do not ask if the blows you are delivering result in a pain which less severe or an unbearable one. Then you know exactly what to do: how to violate human rights, how to abuse a human being. And when you want to fake that you are “bending over with care” to the victim of persecution, you ask how you can help. Stalin also first murdered Polish officers in Katyn in 1940, and later pretended to help General Sikorski in 1941 find them, but complained of being limited in his options.
I will answer this question on behalf of my husband by quoting our Statement No 10 of 30 March 2014 (Attachment 7). An employee of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow, a U.S. citizen, Alexander Dolgun, wanted to exercise his rights after he was unlawfully arrested by the Secret Service of the Soviet Union in 1948. He asked for an interpreter. A man was sent who, in translation, completely reversed the meaning of his response. Dolgun pleaded not guilty. In the translated version, however, he pleaded guilty to the charges of investigation. The testimony was falsified by an interpreter, pretending to translate the words of the arrested person. This is just one of the countless provocations that victims of Communist persecution have been subjected to. Unfortunately, this prison scene with an interpreter has a wider meaning and is still relevant in today’s Poland. In the concentration camp Poland.
Finally, I would like to thank my husband Lech Borkowski for his help in writing this letter.
[…]
Małgorzata Głuchowska
Lech S. Borkowski
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