Genocidal Activities in Poland 19 July 2015

Lech S. Borkowski and Małgorzata Głuchowska – Impossible Choice

Text of the Polish version

LS Borkowski
Release 28, Poland, 19 July 2015

Terror, intermittent reward, isolation, and enforced dependency may succeed in creating a submissive and compliant prisoner, Judith Lewis Herman, „Trauma and Recovery”

Genocidal activities in Poland

There are many ways to cause suffering of a human being. Both individuals and groups of people are capable of incredible cruelty. Poland is definitely near top of the world in psychological methods of applying trauma to a person.

Representatives of humanistic and social sciences methodically omit the problem. It is easy to understand why: you don’t saw off the branch you are sitting on. They are not supposed to analyze the system which allowed them to have some kind of a career. The application of trauma was the main method of forcing obedience and liquidating independent thought in Poland, both under communism, i.e. before 1990, as well as today.

The thinking person, however, especially one thinking critically, must look the truth straight in the eye. Cogito ergo sum.

Public life is registered i.a. in documents produced by institutions. The method by which they are created is therefore very important. All kinds of documents, which are signed and used by participants of public life should be truthful, to the benefit of human beings. They ought to be prepared carefully and honestly.

One would traditionally use the term “in agreement with law” in this context. The concept of law, however, has lost its meaning in a falsist dictatorship, such as today’s Poland. The supreme role of law has been replaced by the idea of „revolutionary dynamics” in the sense explained by Stanisław Mackiewicz in his book “Russian Minds in Fetters”.

Everyone participating in public life ought be sure that he or she is attesting to the truth, when signing a document. The distinction between the truth and falsehood can be erased in different ways. If there is no such distinction, a person’s signature is not a confirmation of truth and should not be placed on the document. Applying pressure to sign in such circumstances is equivalent to forcing the person to affirm a lie. Respect for human dignity implies that no one should be put in a difficult situation of signing documents whose agreement with law is doubtful.

Putting a person in a situation of impossible choice violates fundamental rights, both human rights, as well as constitutional rights. Repeat use of this coercion becomes a tool of psychological torture.

In pathological situations, with which we had and still have to deal with, the initiative of explaining and correcting wrongs was on our side. The leadership of institutions, despite their obvious duty, perpetuate all kinds of pathology. This feature is independent of time and the personal make-up of leadership. Undoubtedly this status quo is fully supported both by the state leadership and the prosecuting authority. We have already understood long time ago that this is not a problem associated with particular persons. They participate willingly in the system, in which pathology is the norm. Despite official declarations of the falsist, i.e. fully falsified, public narration, we are waking up every day in the same state of exception, as the day before.

Looking back at the last decades of Poland’s history, we can see that this is nothing new. The communist state functioned in exactly the same way: the officially declared laws and rules did not mean much. Decisions governing daily life were issued by functionaries of the communist concentration camp Poland.

The attempts to seek explanations and eliminate pathology in direct contact, letters with questions and requests are met with deaf silence or heightened repression and humiliating treatment. Violation of law has been carried out over many years. It has been and is today a persistent feature of life. We are being forced to ignore law and we are being intimidated. None of the perpetrators, of course, would have the courage to follow this course of action, if they were not guaranteed impunity and support at the highest level of government. This is persecution for political reasons.

We object to being forced into signing documents of very low credibility.  No one has the right to kill our dignity, honor and allegiance to ideals we inherited from our parents and grandparents.

Falsification of documents is a fundamental element of the entire scheme of the falsist dictatorship. This is publicly well known and accepted, although speaking and writing about this issue is carefully avoided. This type of deception is common and all-encompassing. Sorting out documents and bringing them into agreement with law even within a single institution would be an unprecedented exception in the iron curtain of lawlessness surrounding the concentration camp Poland.

Full freedom to produce false documents implies both freedom in designing contents of future archives and freedom to write fake history in the future. Decisions about methods of falsification of history written tomorrow are being made today.

In a normal public narrative documents are more or less authentic reflection of this public life. In contrast, document contents of a falsist narrative are made to fit requirements of an imposed false narrative.

Falsification of documents is accompanied by violation of Articles 30, 31, 32, and 40 of the Polish Constitution of 1997. Neither local nor central authorities do not respond to simple questions, which violates personal dignity and is a proof of discrimination, reduces social strength of a person and the affected family, and in the long run leads to social death.  If institution’s director does not answer questions, does not explain and does not provide information, he or she executes a blow, one of many. The road to social death is paved with such systematically delivered blows. Similarly, albeit in a somewhat more extreme form, behaved guards of concentration camps. The guard is above the prisoner. The slave does not merit response to questions and is an object of violence according to guard’s whim. Guards are supposed to be the subject of the narrative. Prisoners are to remain anonymous and their identity, talents, and achievements are to be falsified in a manner extremely favorable for the organization of the guards.

The subject of history within this framework are the violent collective and their representatives.

The responsibility for the continuing repression falls also on the current prime minister. It is worth remembering that her predecessor spoke during the party conference on 19 June 2005 about taking full responsibility for the government.

We should also remember, that Rafael Lemkin, who formulated the concept of genocide and fought for an international convention for prevention of genocide, was a Polish lawyer. It is astonishing that we have learned about him not from the Polish media, but from the literature about violations of human rights, when trying to understand the persecution we faced in Poland. What an irony, to kill memory of the creator of the concept of genocide in the same society, into which he was born, while at the same time organizing events condemning wars, violence, genocide! The central theme of genocide is the problem of social death. Thus the application of social death is an act of genocidal character. The socially murdered person essentially ceases to exist. The communist authorities carried out this aspect of genocide in the most extreme details. Unfortunately, this method of repression is also used today in Poland. It is applied deliberately and purposefully.

Małgorzata Głuchowska, M.A.
Lech Borkowski, Ph.D.